A Typology of Purpose Clauses by Karsten Schmidtke-Bode

By Karsten Schmidtke-Bode

This booklet offers the 1st finished typology of function clause buildings within the world’s languages. in line with a stratified style pattern of eighty languages, it uncovers the cohesion and variety of the morphosyntactic potential during which purposive kin are coded, and discusses the prestige of objective clauses within the syntactic and conceptual area of advanced sentences. motives for considerably recurrent coding styles are couched in a usage-based method of language constitution, which can pay due realization to the cognitive and communicative pressures on utilization occasions related to objective clauses, to frequency distributions of grammatical offerings in corpora, and to the ways that utilization personal tastes conventionalize in pathways of diachronic switch. The e-book integrates different earlier strands of study on function clauses with an intensive empirical research in its personal correct and hence displays the present cutting-edge of crosslinguistic study into this special kind of adverbial clause.An appendix to A Typology of function Clauses are available at the author's web site: www.karsten-schmidtke.net/purpose

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Extra resources for A Typology of Purpose Clauses

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E. more than twice as many data points as surveyed here. 4%) languages which have only balanced purpose clauses. 23). It is documented in WALS and displayed here in Figure 6. The map already hints at the importance of geography as a factor influencing structural distributions. In our database, too, we find that the six macro-­areas 1. Balanced [38] 2. Balanced/deranked [30] 3. Deranked [102] Figure 6. Form of the verb in purpose clauses (adapted from Cristofaro 2005) 39 40 A Typology of Purpose Clauses Table 9.

As has been pointed out in the literature, many classic statistical tests are not felicitously applicable to typological samples (cf. Janssen et al. 3 Following the most recent proposal by Janssen et al. (2006), I will apply non-parametric significance tests throughout the analysis. In particular, the tests employed do not place any tight constraints on the underlying distribution of the data. The Fisher Exact test, for example, is preferred to Pearson’s Chi-squared test for 2×2 tables since it is not contingent on a specific probability distribution and can be applied to expected frequencies smaller than 5.

Consequently, there is no strict communicative need to overtly specify the temporal location of the purposive situation. We find here a classic case of economical behaviour rooted in the predictability of information in discourse. Speakers can afford to omit overt temporal information, thus being able to make an economical choice for a shorter, less overtly marked non-finite purpose clause construction (cf. also Jespersen 1924 or Haiman 1983 for the general idea). This motivates the cases in which tense-aspect marking is absent from a purposive construction.

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